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Israel Resource Review |
12th April, 2002 |
Contents:
The Iraqi Factor in the Powell Visit
Professor Eitan Gilboa
Part of
Powell's efforts to attain a cease-fire are an American
performance meant to neutralize pressure by the Arab countries
and Europe on the US to use all its power to stop the mounting
violence. The truth is, had it not been for the American wish to
bring down the regime of Saddam Hussein, it is doubtful whether
Powell would even have come to the Middle East.
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The US is trying to recruit the Arab countries for a military action
against Iraq, but they say that as long as there is no end to the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict, there is nothing to talk about. However, even
if there were no such confrontation, or if it ended tomorrow, the US would
still not receive the desired support.
The Powell mission has internal American aspects. It is understood that
if he fails in his mission to attain a cease-fire, this would harm the
image and standing of the US in the Middle East as well as elsewhere.
However, there are certain people in the administration who would not weep
at his stumbling, as he opposed in the past as well as today any use of
power, including the plan to strike at Saddam Hussein.
The ability of the Bush administration to increase pressure on Israel is
limited, in the light of the war the United States itself is waging against
terror. The administration is sensitive to the issue of the time necessary
for the completion of a military operation. Bush's people, who served in
his father's administration, are aware of the fact that Bush senior did not
finish up the Gulf War as was necessary and that today the US has to live
with the consequences of this. When Sharon says that he cannot stop the
Israeli military activity until it achieves its targets, the memory of the
unfinished Gulf War comes up and works in favor of the Israeli position.
Recently, Bush himself as well as his people have been giving varying
messages stemming from contradictions and constraints in the US position
vis a vis the Palestinian-Israeli violence. The administration sees Arafat
as the one directing and encouraging the terror, but outwardly describes
him as a legitimate leader. Bush affirms Israel's right to defend itself,
and on the other hand calls on Israel immediately to withdraw its forces
from the territories. All sides, not only Israel, are not acting according
to American demands. And Bush is angry, not only at Sharon, but also with
Arafat, who is not doing anything against the terror, and at Arab leaders,
who are not pressuring him in this matter.
Thus the American room to maneuver is quite limited.
This article ran in Maariv on April 12th, 2002
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Th Battle in Jenin: An Assessment
Amir Rappaport and Roni Shaked
Correspondents, Yediot Ahronot
The battle for
the UNRWA Jenin refugee camp ended yesterday morning. Seven days
of fighting -- among the hardest the IDF has known in recent
years -- ended with 36 wanted men who laid down their arms, came
out of their bullet-ridden houses, and marched with hands raised
towards the troops outside. The most senior of the wanted men
who surrendered was Sheikh Ali Sfori, the "suicide bomber
sender.
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Sfori is responsible for terror attacks in which nine Israelis
were murdered and more than 150 wounded.
The 36 wanted men, who at first declared they would fight to the last
bullet, surrendered at the end of lengthy negotiations and after they were
promised they would not be hurt when they came out. The Palestinians
claimed that the IDF threatened that if they did not turn themselves in,
the buildings would be demolished on top of them. Another seven armed men
turned themselves in last night.
Only after the surrender did it become known that under the compound
where the armed were holing up was a network of underground tunnels. It
was by means of these tunnels that the armed men could move about the
refugee camp and keep fighting the IDF. Brig. Gen. Eyal Shlein, the
commander of the reserve division that waged the battle in the Jenin area,
said last night that there may still be more attempts to shoot at soldiers.
However, Shlein stressed: "The goals of the operation in the camp were
reached in their entirety. All the armed men were either caught or killed.
A great deal of weapons and explosive material were seized. Suicide
bombers who had already prepared farewell tapes and were about to leave to
commit terror attacks in Israel were also caught".
The price of this victory was heavy for the IDF: 23 soldiers
killed, 15 of them reservists.
The extent of the destruction in the refugee camp was enormous: all of
the infrastructure in the camp no longer exists, and there is almost no
house that was not damaged. The IDF broke through the narrow alleyways and
blazed roads wide enough for tanks to pass. By means of these roads it
could reach everywhere in the camp, which was redivided into three areas.
"Children are looking for their parents among the ruins. There are entire
families who cannot find their homes, which were blown up by the terrorists
or which were destroyed by the army," soldiers said.
Yesterday morning the IDF allowed the residents of the camp to bury
their dead. Around 100 bodies were brought to be buried in the camp area,
but there still may be many bodies buried under the ruins of the houses and
their recovery will continue today. OC Central Command Maj. Gen. Yitzhak
Eitan ordered that the bodies be buried so that the harsh sight not be
photographed and broadcast all over the world, and so that disease not
spread. Jenin has become a myth in the last few days in the West Bank and
the Gaza Strip. Dozens of women in Gaza who recently gave birth gave their
children the name "Jenin", in solidarity with the besieged refugee camp.
Television stations last night broadcast harsh testimony of the camp
residents. "They swept up the shahids in bulldozers and dumped them into
the sewage, so that the journalists would not see them" a Palestinian woman
said. In contrast, Israeli sources said that "there was no massacre, but
a very hard battle because the terrorists refused to surrender".
Brig. Gen. Shlein accused the Palestinians of wreaking the
destruction: "They rigged the camp completely. Civilians were
also hurt because they sent their children and wives to be used
as human shields. Children placed the bombs and held weapons".
A senior army source said yesterday that of the 4,185 people arrested in
Operation Protective Wall, there were 60 senior wanted men. 30 of them
have "blood on their hands", i.e. were personally involved in terror
attacks. Approximately 15 additional wanted men were killed in battle.
The IDF also continued to operate yesterday in Ramallah, Nablus,
Bethlehem and some towns and villages in the West Bank. In Dahariya in the
Hebron area, soldiers searched the prison, but did not find any wanted men.
Searches were also made in Bir Zeit in the Ramallah area and in the Ein Bit
Ilma refugee camp near Nablus. 400 Palestinians were arrested there, some
of them armed.
Itzik Saban adds: An IDF force last night killed a terrorist who tried
to infiltrate the settlement of Elei Sinai in the northern Gaza Strip.
Searches continued in the area until last night due to concern of more
terrorists.
Yossi Bar in Rome adds: The Vatican yesterday asked Israel to promise
not to kill the Palestinians holed up in the Church of the Nativity in
Bethlehem when they leave. The Vatican has asked that the Palestinians
there be allowed to go to Gaza.
This article ran in Yediot Ahronot
on April 12th, 2002
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If the IDF Withdraws, Will the Tanzim Enter?
Alex Fishman
Correspondent, Yediot Ahronot
Arafat, in
his besieged bureau, continues to work. It's important to him to
display a sight of a working PA, someone to talk to. Mohammed
Dahlan and Mohammed Rashid are in Ramallah, outside the besieged
bureau, busy transferring money. There is no need for meetings
and discussions. This is a small staff, which understands the
rais, even by a wink.
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However odd it sounds, the Palestinian leadership has not changed and is
not about to change. The same faces, the same names. The people sitting
with Arafat in his office are enjoying it, earning glory for participating
in the fighting. General Haj Ismail, commander of the Palestinian army on
the West Bank, who fled from Lebanon in '82 when the IDF invaded, could
have lost his entire world this time. Luckily, he happened to be in
Arafat's office, and since he's there, has stayed glued to him.
In the future, the Palestinian side will make an accounting of who was
where during the war. In any case, the real stars produced by the fighting
are the local Tanzim leaders, who conducted the fighting in practice in the
various cities. Tanzim leader Marwan Barghouti, in contrast, will have to
answer some hard questions. For example, was his disappearance indeed
necessary the entire time. Jibril Rajoub will have to work hard to restore
his image, after his men surrendered in his headquarters.
The same name, the same faces, while the PA administration, the people
under the faces, has fallen apart. The computer system has been destroyed.
The population registry, for example, no longer exists. Taxes cannot be
collected. The security organizations have been scattered, some of the
people arrested. [ . . . ]
The real victor in the present fighting are the Tanzim, and it is they
who will set the agenda for the day after. If Arafat wants, ever, to stop
the terror, this will only be by means of the Tanzim. Already now they
have taken the place of the security organizations, and run matters in the
field, although it does not have an authoritative central leadership, only
local leaders. Each leadership has its own agenda, which does not
necessary conform to Arafat's.
Powell Will Get Only Gestures
When the security cabinet met to discuss Powell's visit, there were two
issues that were left without an answer: when the IDF leaves the
territories, to whom will it leave security responsibility? The second:
how do we move on from there to diplomatic talks?
As to the first question, the sense among the top political and security
echelons is that Israel will have to talk with the local Tanzim commanders,
and reach understandings with them.
Powell's visit will not end the operation. The Israeli decision, at the
moment, is to lower the IDF's profile a bit, to leave most of the places
where it's possible, and in the cities where it is not possible, to try and
at least leave the city centers, or cancel the curfew. These are gestures
for the three days Powell is here and it is very likely we will have to pay
for these gestures. When Zinni came similar gestures were made, and Israel
suffered 126 casualties in terror attacks.
Powell's visit is liable to end in failure, firstly because of the fact
that the Palestinians don't believe the Americans. Last year senior PA
officials went to Cairo for talks with Mubarak and the Egyptian leadership.
They were given a seminar in the history of reality. The Egyptians
demanded, demonstratively, that the PA cooperate with Powell and reach an
arrangement with him. They spoke of a gradual process of stabilization and
quiet, the implementation of the Zinni plan, while getting European and
American aid for rehabilitating the PA administration and its security
organizations.
The Israeli security establishment believes that Powell will at most
succeed in bringing Arafat to discuss a cease-fire, but without any
commitment to fight terror and stop the terror attacks. In discussions
held this week with Zinni's people, Israel demanded that Powell at least
show Arafat the Zinni document, which Sharon has already accepted. Israel
does not imagine that the secretary of state will completely ignore what
his envoy did, especially since the Zinni document, unlike the Tenet
document, is operative, and deals with the battle against terror. There
are three principles in the Zinni document, leading to a cease-fire and to
a war on terror: arrests, confiscating illegal weapons and dealing with
terror infrastructure. It details the stages and the timetables, including
how the various charity organizations should be handled, the mosque cells,
the terror budgets, its bank accounts. Arafat rejected this before
Operation Protective Wall and will not accept it now. The Tanzim will
certainly not accept it.
Regardless of what Israel does or doesn't do, we are going to clash with
the Americans. Powell's arrival reflects a dramatic, fundamental change
that Washington's approach underwent last week to the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict. This is not just another trip to see what's going on, to spread
a little cosmetics. For the first time the Bush administration has a
strategy for the Middle East, making it possible to compare Powell's visit
to the quality visits of Kissinger in their time.
The change took place when Vice President Cheney returned from his visit
to the region and made it clear to the president that any attempt to
separate the Iraqi issue form the Palestinian one was impossible. No Arab
coalition could be enlisted to keep quiet over the American attack on Iraq
if the US could not be shown to be concerned about the Palestinian issue
and to be doing something. Cheney also told the president that instability
in Egypt and Jordan was no longer theoretical. [ . . . ]
This article ran in Yediot Ahronot
on April 12th, 2002
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