|Israel Resource Review
||29th March, 2002
The Arab League Summit Closing Statement
The Saudi Plan, as presented by Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia contains three elements: " . . . withdrawal from all occupied Arab territories, recognition of an independent Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital, and the return of refugees". Such a plan represents a formula for Israel's dismemberment, since this would require that Israel relinquish strategic hills that overlook its coastal plain, forfeit its capital city and repatriate 3.6 million Arab refugees (and their descendents) from the 1948 war to 531 Arab villages that have been replaced by Israeli cities, collective farms and woodlands WITHIN Israel's 1949-1967 cease fire lines.
Beirut - March 28,2002 WAFA (Official Palestine
excerpts from the final statement issued at the end of the deliberations of
the 14th regular session of the Arab summit conference in Beirut, at which
the leaders praised the steadfastness of the Palestinian people in face of
Israeli occupation and paid respect for the Palestinian martyrs and
supported the legitimate struggle of the Palestinian people until fulfilling
the demands of the right of return, the right of self-determination and the
establishment of the Palestinian state with Holy Jerusalem as its capital.
The declaration of Beirut pointed out that the Arab leaders had
comprehensively evaluated the changes and challenges, notably that
pertaining to the Arab region and the occupied Palestinian territories and
the destructive war launched by Israel under the pretext
of fighting terrorism, exploiting the tragic incidents of September 11 in the
The Arab leaders reviewed the peace process and the Israeli practices that
aim at undermining the stability of the middle east, and followed up the
heroic Palestinian Intifada as well as the Arab initiatives that aim at
realizing just and comprehensive peace in the region in the light of the
resolutions of the international legitimacy pertaining to the Arab Israeli
dispute and the Palestinian problem.
'Shouldering our national responsibility, and in line with the conventions
of the Arab league and the U.N., we would like to announce our determination
to go ahead on the path of the Arab solidarity in all spheres, and to work
for abortion of foreign plots hatched to undermine our Arab regional
safety', said the declaration, and added 'we would like to salute the heroic
Intifada of the Palestinians and their resistance to Israel's occupation and
its destructive military machinery and repressive measures against them.
The declaration hails the courageous martyrs of Intifada, stressing the
strong support for the Palestinian people in all forms and for their
legitimate heroic struggle against the occupation to achieve their just
demands for the right of return, self determination and the setting up of
their state with Alquds as its capital.
It expressed solidarity with Lebanon to complete the liberation of its
territories and expressed its support for Lebanon's development and
It demanded the immediate release of Lebanese detainees in Israeli jails and
condemned the repeated Israeli aggression against Lebanon's sovereignty
notably the violation of its airspace and territorial waters, shouldering
Israel full responsibility for the serious consequences of its provocations.
The Arab leaders stressed their solidarity with Syria and Lebanon against
Israeli aggressive threats that undermine the security and stability in the
region, considering any attack on the two countries as an aggression against
all Arab countries.
"In light of the setback of the peace process, the leaders stressed their
commitment to halt any relations with Israel and to activate the Arab bureau
for boycotting Israel so that Israel implements the resolutions of the
international legitimacy, Madrid's peace reference and withdrawal from all
Arab occupied territories to the border lines of June, 1967," the
The declaration emphasized that peace in the middle east will not be
successful if it is not just and comprehensive in line with security council
resolutions numbers 242, 338, 425 and 1397, and the principle of land for
The declaration also emphasized the unity of the Syrian and Lebanese tracks
and their organic linkage with the Palestinian track in realization of the
Arab goals of solution comprehensiveness.
The Arab leaders asked Israel to reconsider its policy, adhere to peace and
announce that just peace is its strategic choice too.
They also demanded that it carry out the following:
- Total withdrawal from occupied Arab territories including the Syrian
Golan to the lines of the 4th of June 1967 and the territories still
occupied in south Lebanon.
- Reaching a just solution to the Palestinian refugees problem to be agreed
upon in accordance with united nations general assembly resolution number
- Acceptance of an independent and sovereign Palestinian state in the
Palestinian territories occupied since the 4th of June 1967 in the West Bank
and Gaza strip with Alquds as its capital.
Then, the Arab countries will carry out the following:
- Consider the Arab Israeli conflict as finished and enter in a peace
agreement between them and Israel to achieve peace for all countries in the
- Establish normal relations with Israel as part of this comprehensive
- guarantee the rejection of all Palestinian settlement forms contradicting
the special status of some host Arab countries.
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When the English version of HaAretz differs from the Hebrew version
[Note from David Bedein: Ever since HaAretz pioneered an English edition for
its daily Hebrew paper, with English translations overseen by David Landau, many astute readers who know both languages have noted that the English language version tends to sanitize the PLO.
David Landau was the co-author (with Shimon Peres) of
The New middle East, and has served as the bureau chief
of the Jewish Telegraphic Agency in Israel for the past 25
years, and has also worked for many years as the Israel
correspondent for The Economist. Previous critiques of Landau's
JTA editorial policies can be found on this site at:
In reading the article entitled "Israeli killed
in shooting attack near W. Bank town" (Ha'aretz English edition
March 24, 2002),I was struck by what seemed to be the
extraordinary efforts made by your writers to avoid using the
word "terrorist" to describe the Palestinians who had
infiltrated across the Jordanian border into Israel last night
and were killed by the Israeli Army near Kibbutz Tel Hatzir.
The use of neutral language to describe these individuals, who came across the border armed with Kalachnikov rifles and hand grenades, was particularly striking, because it contrasted so starkly with the language used by another article I had read earlier on the same subject.
Much to my surprise, the other article turned out to be the original Hebrew version of the very same article as published by "Ha'aretz" itself.
Consider the following examples. In each case the Hebrew text describes the Palestinians as "mechablim", contemporary Hebrew for terrorists, while the English version uses a language that could imply that the Israeli Army hunts down and kills illegal immigrants:
Ënglish version: "Earlier Sunday, following a long chase on the southern slopes of the Golan Heights, IDF troops killed four men Sunday afternoon near Tel Katzir, who had infiltrated across the Jordanian border into Israel".
In the original Hebrew version the phrase was "IDF troops killed four terrorists Sunday afternoon near Tel Katzir, who had infiltrated across the Jordanian border into Israel".
English version: "At around 2 P.M., soldiers from the elite Egoz unit spotted the four close to the border with Jordan and opened fire. Three were killed instantly, while one managed to escape. Troops tracked down the fourth man a short while later and shot him dead".
Hebrew version: "At around 2 P.M., soldiers from the elite Egoz unit spotted four terrorists east of Tel Katzir in the vicinity of the Haon cliffs and opened fire . . . "
English (translated) version: "The search for the infiltrators was launched after soldiers discovered tracks near the Israeli-Jordanian-Syrian border . . . "
Hebrew (original) version: "The search for the terrorists was launched after soldiers discovered tracks . . . "
The translator seems to confuse the Hebrew word for infiltrator ("mistananim" ) with the word for "terrorist" used by the author of the article. However a few lines later, when the original article actually uses the word "mistananim", he or she does manage to translate it correctly. If so, why translate "terrorists" as "infiltrators' unless the goal is to raise doubts about the moral right of the Israeli Army to hunt and kill them?
I suspect that these examples indicate a problem far more serious than the sloppiness of the English translation used by Haáretz staff.
The translator - or the English editor- has taken it upon his or herself to distort both the original article and the event itself.
The men who crossed the Israeli-Jordanian border armed to the teeth with automatic rifles were not seeking to better their standard of living by sneaking into Israel.
Bitter experience indicates that their mission was to kill as many Israelis as possible.
The authors of the original article got it right- such men are terrorists.
It behooves the editor and translators of the English version of Ha-aretz
to share this information with their English readers.
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How the IDF Must Make Order
The time has come to instate order and the time has come to restore to
Israel its power of deterrence. We are a country with enormous power, yet
almost every day its weak enemies make a mockery of it without its might
coming to the fore in a response, in deterrence and in prevention. We
unsuccessfully try to defend ourselves and, in the meantime, terror
dictates the tempo of our lives and their contents. A cloud of paralyzing
gloom and fear hovers upon us. National morale is at a low, the economy is
wavering on the verge of collapse and the streets and places of
entertainment are deserted.
Terror has been defeating us for a year and a half. Today we wonder
what we could have done a year ago, half a year ago, that perhaps might
have prevented so many awful events, but we were wary and now we need to
take much firmer steps to help -- and again we are wary. What will we do
in another year?
There are moments in which a country must place its differences and
internal rifts behind it and unite to fight for its life. On the
blood-filled Passover eve in Netanya, we reached such a moment. Before we
renew the arguments over accepting or rejecting the Saudi initiative, a
separating fence, over withdrawal from the territories or holding onto
them, we must gather together for a war for the defense for our souls, for
our safety, for our lives, which have become truly impossible.
Even humane people, full of good will and with moderate outlooks, must
realize that if we don't now teach the Palestinians a lesson they will not
forget, if we don't teach them that they have something to lose and give
them a live example of such a stinging loss, and if we don't restore our
power of deterrence, we will decline into even worse situations.
We must not be deterred by what is said about us. Great praise was
heaped on us when we signed the Oslo agreement and brought Arafat and his
armed men here, and look what happened. The world praises us when we are
restrained, but immediately afterwards, like in the last poll in Newsweek
-- it poses big question marks on the very chances of our existence. We
will not win this war in television broadcasts and newspaper columns all
over the world, but based on what we do in practice, on the ground, in the
heart of the Palestinian darkness.
Once we had pretensions of being a world spearhead, a guiding light, in
the war against terror. Today we are displaying weakness and hesitation in
this war. We must not continue this way.
Even we in the media must think seriously about what we do and ask: Do
we not, with a cloak of arguments over the public's right to know and the
press's right to be everywhere and expose everything, in fact in many
cases, try to bring, under a guise of the facts, one dominant political
view, one that is supported by many of the journalists and editors? Are we
not thus causing the knees to shake and the hearts to be filled with
trepidation of the political and military echelons and the fighters in the
field? Do we indeed have nothing to learn from the glorious democratic
press in the United States and the UK, which are able to bring strength in
times when they must not weaken, to encourage in times when we must not be
idle. True, in times like this we must not be a press of boiling blood and
preaching for hatred and for going all the way, but we are allowed to
demand comprehensive and firm action to protect our lives and we are
allowed to unite to encourage those who must decide this and those who have
the task of carrying it out.
This ran as a front page editorial in
Ma'ariv on March 29, 2002
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The End of the Game??
From that Yom
Kippur (1973) to this Passover, we have not had such Arab
savagery mixed with such deep contempt for our people and our
What the Palestinian terrorists are saying to us is: We will murder you
at every opportunity. At any place at any time, even on your holiest of
days. The continuous acts of slaughter, in which the elderly and children
are mowed down along with anyone within the reach of the terrorist, teach
us the degree of the murderous ambitions and the depth of the hatred toward
us. If the Arab terrorists had more lethal weapons, they would destroy us,
down to the last of our children.
That is the first real goal of Arafat's terror regime -- not to
establish a state, but to destroy a state. That was and remains the heart
of the conflict. In 1948, the Arabs rejected an international proposal to
establish an Arab state and tried to destroy the Jewish state immediately
after it was born. 52 years later, Arafat again rejected a similar
proposal and insisted on realizing the "right of return," which means the
destruction of Israel.
With such a regime, whose goal is to get rid of our state and which does
not find the most barbarous means of mass murder repugnant, there is no
room for negotiations, and no arrangement of existing in peace is possible.
The "diplomatic option" so often talked about, was exhausted to the
finish two years ago at the Camp David meeting and utterly failed. Arafat
refused the Israeli proposal for Palestinian sovereignty in Judea, Samaria
and Gaza and half of Jerusalem, and chose the present terror onslaught.
Only one path remains -- military victory in the war on terror forced on
us. What we have to do now is not continue with our willingness to
tolerate this horrible blood-spilling, which is meant to weaken our
endurance, but the absolute military defeat of the enemy which forced this
war on us. Such a defeat means eradicating Arafat's regime, besieging the
Palestinian population centers, purging them of fighters and arms and
terror means, and then setting up security separation lines that allow us
to enter the Palestinian areas but prevent the Palestinians from coming
What we need, therefore, is not to choose between military victory and
security separation, but a combination of the two. Only such a
comprehensive operation can stop the terror, restore the Israeli deterrence
that has been so eroded this past year, and enable more realistic and
moderate elements among the Palestinians to reach a position of
leadership, with whom, when the time comes, we can conduct negotiations on
Any partial action, of the kind the government has carried out so far,
any local actions, from restraint to a limited and short "response,"
forceful as it may be, has not achieved anything and will not achieve
anything. It is like taking a quarter dose of antibiotics, not enough to
make the patient well.
The hyper-consciousness of "what the goyim will say" does not elicit any
consideration or sympathy from them. On the contrary -- it only generates
growing doubt among them as to the justification of our position, and it
also encourages the Arabs to increase their blood shedding. The only way
to obtain understanding in the international arena, particularly in the
United States, is to win quickly and stop the awful acts of slaughter of
our citizens, explaining firmly and clearly our natural right to protect
our people and our country.
The argument that we've exhausted all the military options to eradicate
terror is groundless. We have still not used even a small part of our
might, and the might we did use was not directed at the right target:
Arafat's regime. It is unbelievable, but a fact, that even today, the
government continues to act under the illusion that we can stop terror
while accepting the existence of this regime.
What is clear is that we must not, even one more day, continue in this
hesitating manner, without a goal and without a policy. We must do what
any normal people would do in our situation: stop the internal arguments,
return war and defeat the enemy threatening our existence.
This also ran as a front page editorial in
Maariv on March 29, 2002
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Saudi Arabia's Secret Missile City in the Middle of the Desert
Senior Investigative Journalist, Yediot Aharonot
at CIA headquarters in Langley, Virginia chooses random names
for topics and operations it deals with. "Deep Blue" is the name
given to an aggregate of troubling information received by the
agency at the beginning of 1988. The source of most of the
reports is the NSA's monitoring of communications by the Chinese
administration and military. According to these, Saudi Arabia
was conducting advanced negotiations with China about the
acquisition of dozens of surface-to-surface missiles built to
carry nuclear weapons.
The intelligence communities of both the US and Israel were totally
stunned, as until then they did not know anything about this. Officials
from the CIA and the research department of IDF Intelligence sat with a
compass and drew the ranges. The missiles that the Saudis planned to buy,
CSS-2 as they are called in professional terminology, or Dong-Feng 3 in the
Chinese version, have a range of between 2,500 to 3,500 kilometers. Such a
range encompasses all of the Middle East, including parts of what was once
the USSR, and, of course, all of Israel.
Officials in Israel and the US did not understand why the Saudis, who
in public take a moderate and pragmatic diplomatic line, had to buy the
missiles, which at the time constituted China's central nuclear attack
force. Concern increased when these reports were added to reports of the
great financial support given by Saudi Arabia to the development of the
"first Islamic bomb," as Pakistan's atomic enterprise was called.
Israeli and American intelligence began a wide-scale campaign with a
double purpose: To gather details about the deal, and an attempt to learn
what the Saudis were really planning to do with the missiles. The campaign
was partially successful. It turned out that 120 missiles were to be
acquired, as well as 12 launchers. The Americans were especially surprised
when it turned out that the person conducting the dialogue on the part of
the Saudis was none other than the State Department favorite, Prince Bandar
Bin Sultan, the charming ambassador to Washington.
The Saudis paid a fortune for the missiles. The Chinese got the feeling
from them that money was no object, and that Prince Bandar would pay any
price to get his country into the prestigious club.
They're Planting the Desert with Missiles
The first CSS-2 missiles arrived in June, 1990, and were deployed in two
places south of Riyadh: Most of them in the huge complex built north of the
El-Suleil desert, about 500 kilometers from the capital, and a minority of
them in El-Jofer, 100 kilometers from the city. The rest of the missiles
arrived during the following years.
About two weeks ago, the satellite Iconus, the best civilian
photographic satellite in the world, took special photos for
Yediot Aharonot over El-Suleil. The photos, which appear here for the first time,
prove that over the last few years the Saudis have invested huge resources
in the development of a secret military city, "King Khaled."
In comparison to previously accessible photos of the region,
photographed by the French satellite Spot in 1995, the intensive
construction in the region, spread over hundreds of square kilometers in
the heart of the desert, is clearly recognizable. The Saudis have added
missile launching pads, access roads, command headquarters, a huge
residential area, a mosque for the engineers and crews, as well as a huge
new area, spread over 1400 square kilometers, dotted with numerous bunkers
for conventional and non-conventional weapons, with a capacity of more than
60,000 cubic meters. East of El-Suleil, outside of the photographed area,
is a Saudi air force base, with two Tornado squadrons.
The huge missile base is made up of a support area and two launching
areas, six kilometers apart, and are located in narrow hidden ravines.
In the support area, more than 33 buildings are visible. Eight of them
are large enough to store the CSS-2 missiles, which are 24 meters long. The
launching areas have a scattering of buildings, and a concrete launching pad.
In each of the two launching areas, an unidentified building can be
seen, covered with dust, about 50 meters long, two underground storerooms
for the missiles, two large support buildings, and garages.
In comparison to the photos from 1995, a sizable expansion can be seen
in the administrative and residential areas. Command headquarters
installations, residential areas, a large mosque, a soccer field, a large
park, parking lots, etc., can be clearly seen. The take-off area of the
local airport was increased to more than three kilometers.
The weapons storage area, spread over more than 1,400 kilometers, is too
big to be connected only to a CSS-2 missile base, and apparently has other
secret purposes. More than 60 fortified buildings for weapons storage can
clearly be identified.
For a long time it was not clear to American intelligence where the
Saudis were hiding their missiles. At first they thought that they were to
be found at the El Haraj air force base complex, about 50 kilometers south
of Riyadh. Only through intelligence information on the ground, and careful
monitoring via satellites, led the CIA to the secret military city in
El-Suleil. The photos from Iconus were received according to the
coordinates located previously by American intelligence.
This updated information, which Israeli and American intelligence has
had for a long time, is the cause of no little headache. All this became
even more relevant after 9/11, when it became clear that anything,
absolutely anything, could happen, and there are those who today regret the
docile line Israel adopted towards Saudi Arabia under American pressure.
Buying Up Every Adversary and All Opposition
The acquisition of missiles was part of a general Saudi military
build-up, which at the beginning of the nineties turned it into the number
one buyer of arms among third world countries, after Iraq.
The Washington administration felt betrayed. Only several years after
the huge efforts made by President Reagan to approve the sale of AWACS
warning planes to the Saudis, this deal suddenly appeared, in contrast to
Riyadh's declared policy, apparently without any practical need.
The angry Americans asked for explanations. The Saudis said that they
needed missiles to defend themselves from Iran (which was then considered
to be the most serious regional threat), and that they had decided to
acquire them from China, after the US refused to sell them F-15s in 1985.
In the end they were sold 24 airplanes, but the missile project, said the
Saudis, was already underway.
King Fahd made a commitment not to arm the missiles with chemical or
nuclear warheads, and not to use them in an initial attack. In order to
allay their concerns even more, Saudi Arabia signed a nuclear
non-proliferation treaty. The king made a commitment not to take part in
developing a nuclear bomb, and also promised that after the missiles were
in place, all military activity would be stopped in the El-Suleil region.
Fahd, to put it nicely, did not exactly keep his word. The Saudis
promised to allow American supervision of the site in El-Suleil, if
Washington would promise that Israel would not attack them, but in the end
refused to allow visits to the site.
Following the Gulf War, the Saudis became a kind of underdog, and
succeeded in directing anger to other places, mainly Iran and Iraq. Even
Israel, in conversations with other countries, did not raise the Saudi issue.
In 1990, when the missiles began to arrive in El-Suleil, Israel wanted
to arouse a commotion, but the US was satisfied with Fahd's promises and
instructed Israel to keep a low profile. Israel in turn sufficed with
registering a protest, which was a drop in the ocean in contrast to the
campaigns it led against countries such as Syria and Iraq.
In the case of Saudi Arabia, even when the details of its involvement in
the Pakistan nuclear project became clear, even when it was obvious that it
was financing terror organizations, even when it was proven without any
doubt that the Saudi family was tainted to its roots with corruption and an
unstoppable desire to rule, by buying up, in essence, every enemy and all
opposition, the US remained silent and compelled Israel to do the same.
September 11 upset the applecart for the Saudis. Many in the US, both
within and outside the administration, felt free to express what they had
been keeping inside. About four months ago, chief Pentagon strategist
Richard Perl said here: In my opinion, the Saudis are not part of the
solution, but part of the problem… We had all the reasons to assume that
they were grateful that we saved them in the Gulf War, and we were wrong.
This piece ran in Yediot Aharonot on March 27, 2002
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Explosives Found in "Red Crescent" Ambulance
Senior Correspondent, Maariv
roadblock manned by reservists near Ramallah exposed a Tanzim
attempt to smuggle a ten kilo explosives belt hidden inside a
Palestinian Red Crescent ambulance.
Despite sweeping denials by the head of the Red Crescent in Ramallah, who
described Israel's allegation as "lies of the occupation," officials in
Israel from the Red Cross -- the organization also sponsors the Red
Crescent -- admitted that they were shown information corroborating
On Wednesday morning reserve soldiers at a roadblock on the road leading
to the Kalandiya intersection from Nablus noticed a Red Crescent ambulance.
The soldiers ordered the driver to stop, but he continued driving and was
stopped only after he was pursued. The driver behaved strangely and after
a short time admitted to the soldiers that an explosives belt was hidden
inside the ambulance. The soldiers immediately took out a mother and her
children who were also inside, and the woman was taken for questioning.
It turned out that the driver was a Tanzim activist wanted by the GSS.
In his interrogation he admitted that he had agreed -- for a sum -- to
bring the explosives belt in the ambulance and to bring it to Tanzim
activists in Ramallah. The woman in the car was his sister-in-law and the
explosives belt, comprised of 16 pipes and containing ten kilo of
explosives, was hidden under the stretcher on which one of her children was
lying. "The belt was ready for a terror attack. All that needed to be
done was to hand it over to a suicide bomber," a senior security source
said, who also praised the soldiers' conduct and their alertness.
Israeli security sources said that there has been information for
several months on the use of Red Crescent workers to pass weapons and armed
men in ambulances almost freely through IDF roadblocks, exploiting the fact
that there are clear instructions to try not to hinder medical teams in the
territories from operating.
Only a few months ago it was learned that a Red Crescent woman volunteer
in Ramallah named Wafa Idris transported a very large bomb into Jerusalem
in a Red Crescent ambulance. [ . . . ] At the time, the Red Cross and the Red
Crescent said there was no proof to Israel's allegations. But the picture
changed around on Wednesday and the Red Cross expressed great regret at the
use made of the Red Crescent ambulance to smuggle an explosives belt from
Israeli security sources believe that Tanzim-Fatah leaders, including
Marwan Barghouti, intended to give the belt to a suicide bomber from the
El-Aksa Martyrs Brigades to carry out a terror attack inside Israel. This
attack may have been scheduled to take place during Passover in Jerusalem.
This piece ran in Maariv on March 29, 2002
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