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King Hussein: King Hussein of Jordan will go down in history as a security asset to the US, Great Britain, and, in his final years, to the state of Israel. That does not mean that King Hussein was committed to the better interests of the state of Israel or of the Jewish people. One of King Hussein's first acts as the monarch of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan in the early fifties was to oversee the razing of fifty seven synagogues in the ancient old city of Jerusalem, while giving orders to obliterate the old Jewish cemetery on the Mount of Olives. Under King Hussein's direction, the Intercontinental Hotel was constructed on top of the Mount of Olives Jewish cemetery, where gravestones were used as concrete slabs for the hotel's foundation. Meanwhile, in violation of the 1949 Jerusalem armistice agreements that were signed by King Hussein's predecessor, his assassinated grandfather, King Abdullah, King Hussein proclaimed that no Jew would be allowed to enter, pray or reside in the old city of Jerusalem. And another of King Hussein's first edicts was to confine the Palestinian Arab refugee population who had fled to Jordan to the squalor of refugee camps, under the promise and premise of their "inalienable right of return" to their homes that no longer existed within Israel proper. That edict mitigated against absorbing Palestinian Arab refugees into his kingdom. They remain in "temporary" refugee camps to this day. Meanwhile, King Hussein's loss of the Old City of Jerusalem occurred as a direct result of Hussein's artillery attacks on the Israeli-held western Jerusalem during the June,1967 war. The Israeli prime minister at the time, Levi Eshkol, allowed King Hussein's artillery attack to go on for more than seven hours while he dispatched emergency communications through Israel's foreign minister, Abba Eban, who communicated to King Hussein via the US state department that Israel wanted no war with Jordan. Israel only launched an attack on King Hussein's Arab Legion when king Hussein refused to heed Israeli and American pleas to cease fire on western Jerusalem. It was after the 1967 war that Israeli military intelligence revealed that captured documents from the Jordanian High Military command showed a Jordanian master plan to conquer the rest of Jerusalem from Israel and to slaughter all of its Jewish civilian inhabitants. King Hussein's eventual pragmatic approach to Israel did indeed bring the King to come to terms with the existance of the Jewish state and even to warn Eshkol's successor, Golda Meir of an impending surprise attack by Syria and Egypt in 1973. Yet King Hussein did allow the airpspace of his nation to be used by Iraqi scud missiles to land on Tel Aviv and Haifa, throughout January and February of 1991. What has gone virtually unreported in the western media has been the anti-Jewish and anti-Israeli sentiment that has been festering in Jordan for the past five years, even after the historic 1994 peace treaty that was initialled between Jordan and Israel. Journalists whom I have met with following their visits to Jordan have complained that their editors and producers simply did not want to run stories that would contradict the one bright light of hope in the middle east peace process. Today, a new Jordanian King Abdullah with close ties to the Palestinian Authority will most likely continue his father's policy of confining the majority of Jordan's population, who are indeed Palestinian refugees, to the confines of Palestinian refugee camps . . . under the premise and promise of the "right of return", where Jordanian and UN administrators of these Palestinian Arab refugee camps prepare a new generation of Palestinian Arab refugees for a war of liberation against the Jewish state.
Al-Ahram Weekly [IMRA: Except if Israel is the target!] by Jailan Halawi
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Quotes from Text "The ministers stressed the importance of drawing a distinction between terrorism and the 'inalienable right . . . to resist foreign occupation and agression by all means, including armed struggle.' " [IMRA: An endorsement of terrorism against Israel -- even when a peace process is instituted.]
Excerpts The ministers stressed the importance of drawing a distinction between terrorism and the "inalienable right of peoples to resist foreign occupation and aggression by all means, including armed struggle." The ministers promised to "provide all necessary assistance" to the Palestinian police operating in the self-rule areas in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. . . . The ministers set up a technical committee to decide legal and security procedures for the enforcement of the Arab Treaty on Combating Terrorism which they signed in April. . . . Secretary-General of the Council of Arab Interior Ministers Ahmed Al-Salem, announced that eight countries had already ratified the treaty, namely: Egypt, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Algeria, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Sudan and the Palestinian Authority. . . . The ministers accepted an invitation from Algerian Interior Minister Abdullah Sallal to hold the next general assembly in Algeria. by Magdi Ahmed Ali Cinema Director
Quotes from Text ". . . the totalitarian association of popular aspirations and government policies compromised the true value of art." ". . . art in Egypt is an archive of frustrated hopes and expectations." "Is there any room for creativity?"
Full Text Governments were quick to grasp cinema's potential impact on a predominantly illiterate audience. Films were censored to convey a "safe" message. Films featuring unjust rulers or economic hardship were not released. Even the living conditions of the poor were not deemed suitable viewing material. After the revolution, the public sector used art to transmit government policy -- a trend still in evidence today. At the time, however, most people believed prosperity and development were just around the corner, yet the totalitarian association of popular aspirations and government policies compromised the true value of art . We have inherited a Higher Institute of Cinema, numerous artists and a repertoire of films that escaped repression and censorship, yet art in Egypt is an archive of frustrated hopes and expectations. An official censor has absolute power to reject a work as of its inception. Yet even he is not the ultimate censor. Institutions claiming to represent the masses, religious institutions, the press . . . these bodies exercise censorship too. They dance to the ruler's tune, cling to the commonplace, and always play it sa fe. Is there any margin left for creativity? by Zeina Khodr
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Quotes from Text " . . . the decision will come into effect after . . . necessary paperwork was completed and security arrangements were put in place . . . the decision was taken a long time ago . . . " [IMRA:So why wasn't the proposal in place?] "The restrictions were imposed in September 1995 to stem the flow of Palestinians deported by Libya in protest against . . . the Oslo peace accords . . . " ". . . the new leadership [in Lebanon] recognised that peace was not around the corner . . . . The previous government thought . . . the fate of millions of refugees . . . would be resolved . . . . They kept a tight grip on the Palestinians to ensure they wouldn't want to stay."
Excerpts . . . Most Palestinians in Lebanon hold travel documents rather than passports but the government has announced that the documents will be treated in the same way as passports. . . . The government said the decision would come into effect after the necessary paperwork was complete and security arrangements were put in place. The decision was made days after Farouk Kaddoumi, head of the PLO's political department, travelled to Beirut to hold talks with officials. However, a Palestinian source said Kaddoumi had not played any role in the government's decision. "The decision was taken a long time ago but it was only given the green light now," the source told the Weekly. "Palestinian groups have been lobbying hard for the restrictions to be lifted and the authorities realised it would be to their detriment to keep the restrictio ns in place." The restrictions were imposed in September 1995 to stem the flow of Palestinians deported by Libya in protest against the signing of the Oslo peace accords by Israel and the Palestinian Authority. Libyan Leader Colonel Moammar Gaddafi expelled 30,000 Pale stinian residents that year. As a result, Lebanon stipulated that Palestinians would have to apply for a visa before entering the country. This included the estimated 350,000 refugees residing in Lebanon. It was, however, almost impossible for Palestinian s living in Lebanon to be granted visas from Lebanese embassies abroad. . . . Mohammed Yassin, an official of the Palestinian Liberation Front In Lebanon, said the new leadership recognised peace was not around the corner and decided to try to improve the living conditions of the Palestinians. "The previous government thought the p eace process was reaching its final stage and the fate of millions of refugees, including those living in Lebanon, would be resolved. They kept a tight grip on the Palestinians to ensure they wouldn't want to stay," Yassin told the Weekly. "The Syrians, Lebanese and Palestinians are trying to improve the relations between them, in an attempt to face the regional challenges created by the US and Israel," Abu Fadi Raji, an official of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) i n Lebanon told the Weekly. "Further moves would help improve relations between the Palestinians and their host country. If the Palestinians were granted their civil and social rights, they would be able to play an important role in reviving the Lebanese e conomy," he said. A Palestinian source told the Weekly . . . that after the announcement to ease the travel restriction, the ban on bringing construction material into the Rachidiyeh refugee camp in Tyre was lifted, and the number of soldiers posted around camps in Sidon w as reduced. Construction work inside the camps was previously restricted and regulated by the government. There are almost 350,000 registered Palestinians in Lebanon who are denied basic government services, such as health and education, and are banned from 75 professions. As a result, they mainly find work in the low-paid sectors. Sources said the lifting of the travel restrictions may be followed by an easing of limitations imposed on the Palestinian workforce. The Lebanese government has long argued that granting the Palestinians civil and social rights would encourage them to stay in the country. But the Palestinians maintain that they just want to have a decent lifestyle and have no intention of resettling on Lebanese soil. There is a political consensus to deny the Palestinians the right to settle in Lebanon permanently. This largely stems from the fact that most of the Palestinians are Sunni Muslims and the country's Christians have long feared a shift . . . by Lola Keilani "Abdullah takes over as Crown Prince . . . efforts to emphasise that Jordan's future king is fit for the job." Quotes from Text "Jordadnains consoled themselves with the fact that Hussein . . . was 18 yearts old when he was sworn in as king." [IMRA: Isn't 36 a reasonable age for a new king? On the other hand, there were no real alternatives when Hussein became king.] ". . . many predicted a short life span for the Jordanian state because of its lack of natural resources and politcal turmoil . . . characteristic of the Middle East." [IMRA: But for much of Hussein's reign these countries have been very stable. Also, the Israeli concern for Jordanian stability was crucial at times.] ". . . Prince Abdullah has spent most of his 36 years close to his father learning the intricacies of political decision-making" [IMRA: Abdullah spent years studying abroad and in Jordan he was deeply involved in a military career.] "Palestinians . . . dislike the former Crown Prince whom they blame for 'Jordanising' decision making following the 1970 civil war." [IMRA: But distinguishing Jordan as Hashemite not "Palestinian" has been a fundamental concept of King Hussein's. Is there any expectation of a deJordanization process in facvor of a Palestinization process that would confirm the now narrowly held Israeli claim that Jordan is Palestine?] ". . . Abdullah managed to rally support from a number of Gulf States." [IMRA: While the general attitude is that with King Hussein out, Jordan will lose leverage in international affairs.]
Excerpts "During this time, many predicted a short life span for the Jordanian state because of its lack of natural resources and the political turmoil that is so characteristic of the Middle East region. But Jordan, guided by the young king, defied these predictions and has survived," said one political observer. "I expect nothing less from the future King Abdullah," he added. Some Jordanians are concerned that 36-year-old Abdullah lacks political expertise and international acumen in contrast to Hassan who has been crown prince for the last 34 years. Others are more optimistic about the prospect of Abdullah as king. "Had the political skills of Prince Hussein been tested when he assumed the throne at the age of 18?" asked a prominent political analyst. "We mustn't forget that Prince Abdullah has spent most of his 36 years close to his father learning the intricacies of po litical decision-making from an international statesman of legendary standing." Newspaper editorials and columnists are calling on Jordanians to stand united at this critical juncture, arguing that now that the succession has been decided the future of the kingdom is not up for debate. "It is essential to close the file on the issue of succession for such talk will create internal chaos," said the editorial of the daily Al-Dustour. Taher Edwan, editor-in-chief of the independent Al-Arab Al-Yawm newspaper said, "In order to maintain Jordan's stability and its political gains, national unity should prevail." According to political observers, the new crown prince is supported by the Jordanian army which wields considerable influence. "The crown prince is a major-general in the army and is very much supported by both the powerful intelligence and public security establishments," said Saleh Qalab from Al-Arab Al-Yawm. Abdullah is also backed by the Jordanian east-bank tribes, whose hundreds of tribal sheikhs converged on the palace to pledge allegiance. This coincided with a drastic deterioration in the king's medical condition. "The prince has established very good relations with officers, most of whom come from Jordanian tribes. He not only knows them by name but also visits them in their regions," said one army officer. In addition, the majority of Jordanians of Palestinian origin welcomed the king's decision. Palestinians, for reasons dating back to the fighting between Palestinians and the Jordanian army in 1970, were hostile towards former Crown Prince Hassan. Abdullah, on the other hand, is related by marriage to a well-known Palestinia n family in Tulkarem, the Yassins. "Palestinians support him because they dislike the former crown prince, whom they blame for 'Jordanising' decision-making following the 1970s civil war," said one political observer. On the regional front, Prince Abdullah managed to rally support from a number of Gulf states. The United Arab Emirates, on the eve of Abdullah's appointment, announced that it is considering depositing funds at the Central Bank of Jordan to raise hard currency reserves. Saudi Arabia, through Prince Sultan Bin Abdul Aziz, expressed support for the new crown prince. US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright's unscheduled visit to Jordan to congratulate the new crown prince in person ended speculations that the US would favour the younger Prince Hamzeh, son of the American-born Queen Nour. Albright said that she and the prince discussed "the issues he is facing in Jordan", understood to mean economic difficulties and potential threats from Syria and Iraq. . . . Meanwhile, the official pictures of the former crown prince have been removed from Amman's streets and public buildings; a million new pictures of Prince Abdullah are being printed.
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