The shocking events surrounding the Rabin assassination.
A graphic and well researched expose on the untimely death of an Israeli Prime Minister.
This book contains original documents publicized for the first time.
Currently only available in Hebrew.
Price: $19.95including worldwide shipping.
A reader recently asked me why the Yated is expending so much time going into detail about the Avishai Raviv affair and the Rabin Assassination. How much can one rehash these two matters which took place several years ago? He wanted to know.
The Rabin Assassination and how Rabin and the Shabak handled Avishai Raviv is Israel's Watergate. Decades later, historians will study this affair and declare it the watershed of Israel history which finally exposed its corrupt government and agenda. As religious Jews who were taught Torah leaders' objections to the Zionists and the State of Israel, it should be of particular interest to us that their prophetic words are being proved to the light of the sun.
In the confusing decades after the founding of the State, many dozens of philosophies were bandied about. The followers of Mizrachi proclaimed that the State was the "Beginning of the Redemption" and the government's decisions were hallow. Brisker talmidim, on the other hand, scrupulously tailored their dealings with the State around their belief that "Zionists are capable of murder." Focusing on the events of how Rabin was assassinated by his own colleagues and how Israel's security forces sent agent provocateurs against its Jewish population at the same time that they turned a blind eye to Arab violence and infractions, has the effect of strengthening our beliefs and proving that other beliefs are false. The more information we provide about these sordid affairs, the more we reinforce ourselves as well as contributing to exposing the cover-up.
During last week's meeting of the State Audit Committee chaired by Uzi Landau (Likud), Former National Union MK Chanan Porat startled those in attendance when he revealed new information on the relationship between the General Security Service, Avishai Raviv, and Yigal Amir.
According to Porat, one of the three teenagers indicted by Atty.-Gen. Elyakim Rubenstein last week (for participating in the fake swearing-in ceremony of the Shabak-created Eyal organization) informed Porat that he was standing next to Avishai Raviv at the scene of the Rabin assassination on Nov. 4, 1995. According to the teenager, as soon as the shots rang out, Raviv yelled, "It's Yigal Amir!" At a later date, Shabak agents approached the youngster and warned him "not to dare open his mouth against Raviv in court."
Porat, during his term as Chairman of the Knesset Law Committee, had passed on the above information in a confidential letter to Attourney-General Elyakim Rubenstein. Because the judicial establishment refused to deal with the matter, Porat was forced him to go public with the story. The significance of this piece of information is that it clearly demonstrates Raviv's knowledge of Amir's plans to murder Rabin and therefore his guilt for not preventing it from happening. Raviv is presently on trial for not preventing the assassination and has taken a position that he is not guilty. Many believe that unraveling how Raviv was so certain that Yigal Amir was the assassin would inevitably unwind the threads that lead to his Shabak handlers.
Yisrael Medad of Israel's Media Watch (IMW) who was present described the reaction of those present to Porat's revelation: "When the committee members heard Porat's account, they were shocked. State Comptroller Eliezer Goldberg was also in a state of total disbelief. It was obvious to me that Goldberg must still overcome a major psychological barrier before he realizes that we have a problem here in Israel." IMW has been at the forefront of demanding the indictment of Israel Broadcast Authority cameraman Eitan Oren for his role in planning the Eyal swearing-in ceremony.
Goldberg said at the end of the meeting that though he "heard some very grave information" there, he has not yet decided whether or not to conduct an independent investigation of the Raviv affair. Goldberg also expressed his concern over the absence of State Prosecutor Edna Arbel and Shabak Chief Ami Ayalon. Both were specifically invited to come, since the meeting's agenda dealt with the operational norms guiding the State Attorney's Office and the Shabak. Arbel sent a message apologizing for her absence, explaining that the "invitation arrived just at the end of last week," and that she had "previous commitments." Ayalon similarly sent chairman MK Uzi Landau a message explaining that, as head of the Shabak, he [Ayalon] requires the approval of Prime Minister Barak to attend such a meeting, and that Barak could not issue his approval, since he is in the U.S at present.
MK Michael Eitan, who has played a major role in exposing the Raviv affair, responded by asking Landau: "Has he [Ayalon] ever heard of a telephone?"
While the judicial echelons continue to shake with the recent exposures of the judicial establishment's collusion in the Raviv cover-up, the new book by Natan Gefen "The Lethal Sting" contains new information about the major players in the Rabin assassination, first and foremost among them the mysterious figure called Yigal Amir.
Was Yigal Amir a Shabak Agent at the Time of the Assassination? Gefen quotes articles published shortly after Rabin's assassination in which leading Shabak figures explained they had developed a "Jewish Department" to watch the rightwing who needed watching after Dr. Goldstein's so-called massacre in the Maaras Machpelah. One senior Shabak official admitted that the Shabak had tried to enlist Yigal Amir as one of their agents. He had agreed, but after some time the Shabak reached the conclusion that he didn't supply reliable information about what was happening in the rightwing and stopped working with him.
This interesting piece of information contradicts the Shabak's declaration immediately after Rabin's assassination that Rabin's guards didn't notice Yigal Amir even though he had been standing an hour and a half in the supposedly sterile area.
Amos Goren, a senior in the security division of the Shabak, was interviewed in Maariv "Maybe This Time Listen to Me" by Ronial Fisher (April 5, 1996). Goren says outright that the denials by the Shabak after the assassination that it is impossible to prevent a lone gunman from shooting his gun at a person under guard is just Shabak dysinformation. He added, "As a former Shabak agent, Amir was certainly known to them -- not just as a run-of-the-mill Shabak agent, but as a person who had undergone a thorough security check before being sent abroad to do security work for the Netiv Liaison Bureau in Riga. (Both the Shabak and Netiv are subject to the Prime Minister's Office.)
Not only was Amir known to Rabin's security guards, but they had even been notified to look out for him. At Amir's trial after Rabin's assassination, Rabin's main guard Yoram Rubin was asked by the judge if he had received special instructions before the rally concerning Amir. Rubin refused to answer so the court forced him to record the answer on paper. Amir's lawyer Atty. Shmuel Fleishman was asked by People reporter Yuval Yoaz ,"If he refused to answer in public, then his answer must have been 'Yes'"?
"It would seem so," answered Fleishman.
Gefen suggests that the Shabak decided to use Amir, the former Shabak agent, not to report on the rightwing but to serve as a provocateur by starring in a fake-assassination of Rabin. It could be that his participation in this scheme was gained by threatening to expose his previous work for the Shabak among his religious friends, or to prove himself before his Shabak colleagues who looked down upon him for being a Yemenite and religious.
Why Does Amir Fanatically Defend Raviv?
Further proof that Amir was a Shabak agent can be seen from the fact that the entire spectrum of the right wing from the most extreme to the most moderate condemned Raviv's violent anti-government actions perpetrated over several years, while Amir consistently praised and supported Raviv even after the news of Raviv being an Shabak agent provocateur became public and after Amir was in jail for life.
Amir also reacted incomprehensibly when his mother tried to sue Raviv for criminal charges in court for inciting her son. During her visits to him, and on the telephone, Yigal demanded that she withdraw the suit and he even petitioned the High Court to cancel the suit. Because of Raviv's false testimony in the court cases against Chaggai Amir and another rightwing activist Dror Edni, the two received harsher sentences than they would have received otherwise. Despite that, and despite the possibility that convicting Raviv would reopen their own case and possibly result in lesser punishment, Yigal Amir preferred to stand behind Raviv. When his own brother Chaggai brought a civil suit against Raviv for false testimony and the claim procedures had reached an advanced level, Yigal insisted on meeting with him. The Prison Service was willing to put a prison minibus at Yigal's disposal and transport Chaggai to meet him. After this meeting, Chaggai cancelled the civil suit against Raviv without providing an explanation or a motive.
Why Does Yigal Amir Insist He is Guilty?
Yigal's unexplainable self-defeating behavior was evident throughout Yigal Amir's trial, when on numerous occasions he overturned his attorney's defense to strengthen the case against himself. Specifically, when his lawyer tried to raise doubts concerning the testimony of key witnesses against him, Amir requested permission to testify and then he demolished his own lawyer's words. At the conclusion of the High Court hearing over the defense's appeal, the Prosecutor Penina Guy told a Channel One reporter, "He made it easy for me."
One of Amir's lawyers, Yonoson Goldberg, told Gefen that every time he tried to demolish the prosecutor's claims, Amir became extremely nervous and demanded that he stop it.
Even two years after the assassination, when Goldberg brought Amir medical evidence which shows that Rabin died from a frontal wound instead of a back wound which would have exonerated Yigal's guilt, Amir kept denying that Rabin could have died from anything but the bullets that he shot. "So what?" he told Goldberg. "The bullets entered the back and then caused damage in the chest."
All the above shows that there is something strange in the case against Amir. An ordinary murderer, no matter what his goal is in trying to murder her victim, tries to get out of jail and get the lightest punishment possible. Amir keeps insisting that he is guilty and even when provided with proof that he is not, he keeps inventing excuses to explain away the "problematic" exonerating evidence. His lawyer reports that he keeps retorting to him, "Do you think I am lying?"
Gefen claims that Amir's bizarre response to findings which are sufficient to demand a recall of the trial proves that he has some reason for wanting to remain in prison. It recalls the strange behavior of people who are ensnared in a cult which utilizes brainwashing techniques. Gefen also says that Amir's mother admitted to him that he might be a Shabak agent, and when he asked her if she would reveal details which prove this, she told him that Yigal pressures her in almost every phone call and visit not to get involved in exposing the affair.
In an interview with Dovid Avni in Maariv (Aug. 23, 1996), Geula Amir revealed that she asked Yigal, "Why don't you tell the truth? Why don't you open your mouth?" The journalist reported her words: "Yigal answered me, 'Ima, you are egoistic. You think only about yourself. Think about the entire Jewish people.'" Geula told the reporter, "I didn't understand him. "
What could Amir have meant?
One of the most problematic questions surrounding the Rabin assassination was why did Amir agree to become the victim in the assassination sentencing himself to a life in jail? Apparently, Amir knows that he won't get life, and during one of the hearings during his trial he let loose that it's possible he will be freed before he turns 40. Gefen suggests that Amir sat with his Shabak handler who spelled out for him the consequences of disclosing his handlers, arousing the establishment's wrath towards them, remaining alone and shunned (and perhaps a targeted individual fearing for his life), or keeping silent, receiving comfortable prison conditions, and then being depicted as a victim who was influenced by the "rightwing incitement" (as happened to Yona Avroshmi, the murderer of Emil Greenzweig) and being let off with a reduced sentence and clemency.
It could be that Amir felt he had no other way out. The public had bought the image of Amir as a fanatic, low murderer which was promoted by a massive orchestrated media campaign. This may have been the meaning of his sentence during his trial "that everything is a show and the trial is bought." Perhaps this is why he cooperated and accepted on himself everything that he was accused of.
The gap between what he knew and what he showed that he knew could be seen in the strange smiles he gave throughout his trial. They were not smiles of arrogance or contempt, which might be expected of a fanatical assassin, but of "knowing something that the others don't know." What he told the police after the murder 'I did my part' was therefore not referring to the fanatical ambitions of a murderer, but simply an agent saying that he had fulfilled his part in the agreement with the Shabak.
This interpretation is given backing when we consider Yigal Amir's words which he said in a hearing concerning extending his arrest on Dec. 3, 1995 in which Amir is quoted as saying (the article in which this is reported is explained at length in Chapter 2 of Gefen's book), "Concerning my request to extend my arrest -- what you saw until now was a mask. I want to explain the background for my action. They are killing people. If you hear the truth, the entire State will turn over."
Here was an attempt by Yigal Amir to say some astonishing facts about why he did what he did. He apparently had this change of heart after hearing of the death of Yoav Korial, another Shabak agent who was killed the night of the assassination. Although such information would certainly be fascinating, the judge rejects it out of hand with this strange excuse, "The suspect already admitted doing all the actions reputed to him. What he is trying to claim today are just statements whose purpose is to take advantage of the court as a political platform and this is not the purpose of a court."
Perhaps, because of the overwhelming brainwashing of the media, even the judges were not able in those days to take Yigal Amir's words according to their simple meaning and they attributed to them a political agenda.
Did Yigal Amir Shoot Real Bullets or Blanks? Chaggai Testifies The roommates of Chaggai Amir (who was convicted of abetting his brother by giving him bullets to shoot Rabin) in the Shote prison claim that in conversation with Chaggai, he told them "The bullets in my brother's gun were blanks. But someone must have changed them with real bullets." Chaggai explained to them that a certain person had brought Yigal Amir to the plaza in Tel Aviv in an Opel. Chaggai assumed that during the ride, someone changed his blanks for real bullets. Chaggai was cheerful when the revelations about Raviv being a Shabak agent came out, because he hoped it increased his chances of a retrial and perhaps leaving prison.
Amir Gilat, in Maariv (Nov. 16, 1997) explains, "A possible or additional explanation why Amir cooperated with his accusers after the month he was held in prison without being allowed contact with a lawyer or his family, was because they were working on convincing him that he had really killed Rabin, claiming that someone had changed his blanks with normal clips."
Why Didn't Rabin's Family Demand an Investigation Over the Assassination When Damning Information Began to Emerge Months Later? Personally, this question bothered me the most of all the question marks surrounding the Rabin assassination. If it is true that Rabin was assassinated by his friends in an elaborate Shabak-devised sting, why are Leah Rabin, Dahlia, and Yoav sitting back and smiling, content to blame the entire rightwing instead of the real criminals? What wife who had lost her husband through an ugly government conspiracy, wouldn't want the murderers brought to justice?
Gefen does a brilliant job of explaining the silence of the Rabin family. It boils down to fame and gobs of money, undoubtedly two very motivating factors.
In his chapter discussing the medical findings, Gefen shows that the reason for Rabin's death was never reported in the official medical reports. Dr. Hiss of the State Pathological Center implies that he bled to death from the two shots to his back. The doctors who operated on Rabin wrote that he had a chest wound. Dr. Kluger who was in the hospital when Rabin arrived, claimed in an article to "Bamachaneh" that Rabin died of air embolism. Although Kluger does not explain what wound caused this air embolism, the one who does tell us this is Leah Rabin herself, in her book Going in His Way.
On page 27, Leah Rabin writes that the reason for his death was the entrance of air to the damaged blood vessels near his heart, which penetrated to the brain. In other words, Rabin's widow unambiguously says that his death was caused by the third wound reported on Rabin, the one on the chest. The meaning of this admission is that Leah Rabin is aware of a conspiracy against her husband, since Yigal Amir only shot him from behind and could not have caused the chest wound which resulted in his death by air embolism.
The reason why the official medical reports do not list his death by air embolism is to avoid focus on the fact that he had a third frontal wound. Leah Rabin explains that not only did he have this frontal wound, but it was the main one and was responsible for his death.
Another one who gave away that he knew more than he was telling was Shimon Peres, who mourned Rabin during his first Cabinet meeting after the assassination. He spoke about the blood-stained "Song of Peace" which Rabin had placed in the upper left pocket of his jacket. "He put the song in his pocket and the bullet sliced through the song..." Peres sadly sad, accompanying his words of eulogy with hand movements to the left upper pocket imitating an entering bullet, thus demonstrating that he knew about the third bullet penetrating the chest. Some would say he did it just for the dramatic effect, although why it would be dramatized in such a way by one who thought that Rabin had been shot from behind still arouses question marks.
The peace of paper on which the "Song of Peace" was written also arouses serious questions. Although the paper was folded into four, a bullet hole only had entered one layer of the paper, and ballistic testing of the paper showed that the bullets trajectory course required Rabin to have been in a prone position.
As we demonstrated above, Leah Rabin is aware of the front wound which had killed her husband and which completely demolishes the theory that Amir had killed him. So why is she sitting back and espousing the official version of the assassination?
Even more, she writes in her book (page 32) that it is possible that Amir did not act alone, but she doesn't see any particular significance to this. It is extremely surprising that the widow of an assassinated president would talk so blithely about the possibility of a wide conspiracy against her husband.
Another strange behavior she consistently exhibits is highly praising the performance of the Shabak and the security guards who failed to prevent her husband's assassination.
At a memorial rally for her husband, Leah Rabin declared, "I want to tell you Yitzchak, that your guards also come. They cry and I encourage them and lift their spirits and tell them, 'All these years, Yitzchak acted with complete faith in you. Not for a second did he believe that something could have happened to him because you were guarding him.' And today, I swear to them by all that is holy and precious to me, that never, but never, will we have any complaint against them for what happened. And I know that this is what you [Rabin] would have wanted to say too, if only you were able."
Leah Rabin has gone on air several times with Carmi Gillon, the head of the Shabak who resigned following his failure to prevent Rabin's assassination. The two amiably chattered with their talk show hosts until family members, sensitive to the criticism being sounded against Leah Rabin for this bizarre behavior, prevailed upon her to stop such interviews.
Leah Rabin's words exonerating the guards who are indirectly responsible for her husband's death stands in sharp contrast to her blaming the entire rightwing for the inciting which she claims led to her husband's murder. This very week she protested the decision of Ron Chuldai to remove the inciting words in the memorial to Rabin in Rabin Plaza that declares he was murdered by a kipa-wearing assassin. In what can only be described as bizarre, Leah is satisfied with stereotyping every kipa wearer as a potential assassin as is implied in these words, although she has only cheerful words for the inept guards who failed to protect her husband.
Another strange reaction which Leah Rabin displayed was when she heard the warning by Rabin's guard Yoram Rubin on the way to the rally that the Islamic Jihad had announced that they would attempt an attack. If so, why didn't the prime minister's wife demand that her husband's participation at the rally be shortened, withdrawn, or at least that he wear a bullet-proof vest? After all, which wife wants to see her husband the subject of an attack even if she hopes it will be foiled in the end? Just as strange is her reaction to the Shabak agents who separated her from her husband when he was shot, and, according to her account, refused to answer her questions in the car concerning what had happened to him or how he was faring. A typical woman under these circumstances would be angry and frustrated and would heatedly vent her emotions, but Leah Rabin didn't express the slightest upset with these guards -- to the contrary, she praises them. Gefen asks, did the Shabak somehow convince her to cooperate with them and accept their story of her husband's assassination?
All these facts taken together present a grotesque picture of a woman who seems almost apathetic to the dangers closing in on her husband while being almost chummy with those individuals around whom suspicions are mounting that they had a hand in the assassination. Could Leah Rabin have had reasons why she would have wanted her husband disposed of? This would answer several questions that come to light in view of her strange behavior. For one, why is her denouncing of the rightwing and religious so rabid to the point of irrationality? Does she have a reason why she is trying to shift the blame to them -- for instance, to cover up for others and possibly herself? There was no heartbroken widow during the shiva period. Leah Rabin remained the calculating politician who refused to welcome into her house the leader of the Likud, Bibi Netanyahu, who was doing the decent thing by coming to visit her, while the arch-terrorist Arafat was welcomed with open arms. It took her just a few days after the assassination had occurred to implement her program to besmirch the rightwing, even though the State authorities were just beginning to investigate what had happened and who were the guilty parties. The sensation one is left with is that Leah Rabin was prepped for the event and prepared for the lines she had to propagate in public.
Her behavior on the night of the assassination is equally amazing. Although she is right next to her husband, she willingly and without a word of resistance accepts being separated from him instead of accompanying her supposedly wounded husband to the hospital. She claims in the car that she asked what was happening with her husband and received no answers. No emotional, hysterical wife hearing that an assassination had been attempted against her husband, just a cool, impassioned response. When she gets home, she phones her daughter to reassure her that nothing happened. Why isn't she running to the hospital to see her husband, or at least making hysterical phone calls to the hospital? We could of course explain this by the fact that she thought it was a staged assassination attempt and didn't think it was for real. But once she discovered it was real, where was the outcry?
Since it was obvious that Leah Rabin is aware of the conspiracy surrounding her husband's assassination since 1996, why has she only recently publicized hints about it, mentioning the questions that afflicted her on the night of the assassination? Is she signalling to the conspirators that she expects more hush money or possibly other benefits? Gefen mentions that in the beginning of 1998, a friend involved in unraveling the conspiracy showed damning evidence to Rabin's daughter, Dahlia Rabin-Philosof. Dahlia took the material and told him she would look it over with her brother. She wasn't shocked by the contents and didn't deny the possibility of a conspiracy behind her father's assassination. She merely commented that the possibility of fighting the establishment seems almost impossible. Since then, she not only didn't get in touch with the man, but the man has stopped getting in touch with Gefen.
In other words, it seems pretty evident that the Rabin family knows clearly that their husband and father died through a conspiracy. However, the social and financial benefits to retaining their aura of victims of an assassination, seem to overpower any other considerations.
Leah Rabin has certainly gained stature since her husband's death. Until his death, she was merely the prime minister's wife - an honorable position, but limited for the duration of her husband's tenure. She was hampered by all the restrictions which fall on civil servants. We can get an idea of how comprehensive these restrictions are by seeing the circus going around the Netanyahus because they retained certain presents given to them when Netanyahu was in power.
Now, however, Leah Rabin has virtually unchallengeable power. As she writes in her book, (page 50), she sees herself a social symbol. Since she is a tragic victim of a political struggle for power, she has become an independent, outspoken social figure who is not subject to critique.
Yael Paz-Melamed writes in an article about her that Leah Rabin needs two secretaries to handle the heavy inquiries that come to her office, and her schedule is busy with interviews and meetings throughout the day. When Paz-Melamed arranged for an interview with her at 8 in the morning, Leah Rabin had already returned at that hour from an interview with Gaby Gazit on TV. That night she was scheduled to appear at the inauguratory performance of the Le Boheme opera. Mrs. Rabin sighed to her interviewer, "I wish I just had half an hour in the day to rest." Every month she travels abroad to an assortment of political and social affairs some of them involving the most well-known political personalities in the world. The reader will recall that her presence was required at the recent party in Oslo held with Barak, Arafat (who ceremoniously kissed her), and other world leaders.
Monthly she is invited to another dedication of a hospital, university wing, school, etc. after her husband's name. She is given honorary citizenships, is invited to be an honorary guest at special cultural events, addresses audiences, and is interviewed and asked for her opinion of the latest developments in society. And as the time goes on, not only is no one forgetting Yitzchak Rabin, but Leah Rabin is becoming busier and busier.
Today, Leah Rabin has become a well known figure in the streets of Paris, London, Rome and New York. Every world leader has shaken her hand, and personally expressed his consolation for the sad event. She is given the honor due a leader, and never appears as a companion but as someone who comes to affairs in her own right. In the eyes of the world, Leah Rabin is today the symbol of the leftwing in Israel, a victim of the political machinations of the disreputable, unrestrained, violent rightwing.
It should be noted that shortly after her husband's assassination, the government voted to give her expenses to run her own bureau for the following three years -- which had been extended for a fourth year. She has a chauffeur and car, an office, secretaries, and travel expenses paid by government funds. She receives payment for speeches and royalties for the books written by her family, gifts from many leaders and sympathizers.
There was talk of making her the Israel delegate to the UN. Her budget from the government was a half million shekels for each year, and when she went over this another 250,000 shekels, the Prime Minister's office discreetly covered it, no questions asked.
Although whether Leah Rabin will be allocated additional sums in the future from the government is unclear because of new legislation, a new financial incentive is arriving her way in the form of the new Midrashat Yitzchak Rabin which is being built by the government to commemorate Yitzchak Rabin, and whose cost and running expenses will be 13 million shekels. The law to erect this center was passed in 1996 by Peres's government, a short while before elections. The Center is to built on expensive north Tel Aviv property, and 30% of the organization's stock will go to the Rabin family (40% will be held by people appointed by the prime minister, and the remaining 30% by the Association to Commemorate Yitzchak Rabin).
Not only has Leah Rabin profited by the assassination. Her children too are welcomed and listened to wherever they go. The assassination had a considerable hand in propelling Dahlia Rabin-Philosof to the national arena as a candidate of the Central Party.
A law to commemorate Rabin is going through the judicial process right now in which the Midrasha will be founded in Tel Aviv on ground owned by the Keren Kayemet L'Yisroel and receive government funding. The vote over the law will take place after Pesach. Since anything to do with Rabin is loaded and a heavy cloud of suspicion and guilt hangs over anyone who would so much as say a word opposing such a plan, the initiators of the law expect it to pass without significant opposition. The main opposition to the law has been mounted by Likud MK Dan Tichon who wants to know why the center has to be established on the most expensive land in Israel instead of in a cheaper area such as a developmental city.
The point of all the above is that the above mammoth financial advantages and social standing that accrues to the Rabin family would disappear in a flash if it became known that not Yigal Amir assassinated Yitzchak Rabin, but a conspiracy by Rabin's own colleagues. From the Rabin family's point of view, what advantage would be gained by exposing this knowledge? It would not return Rabin to life, and it would reveal Rabin as a corrupt, scheming politician who not only did not fall victim on the altar of peace, but one who had dug a pit for others and then fell into it himself. The truth of his assassination would inevitably reveal his collusion with the Shabak to send out agents of Avishai Raviv and Yigal Amir genre to perversely implicate and vilify half of Israel's citizens -- the settlers, the religious and the rightwing It would show that he was willing to stage a false assassination attempt to implicate the innocent for the sake of bolstering his support in the country. And it is impossible to know what other damning revelations might come in its wake -- for instance, what led him to sell out the country to Arafat and Clinton. A mammoth web of political intrigue and money bribes encompassing the world might suddenly stand exposed before the eyes of Israel's shocked citizens.
Shreds of all this is seeping out through the various scandals rocking Israel at present. We have no idea where they will eventually lead the country, but one thing is for sure - the cover-up is crumbling.